Air Passenger Duty Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 4250 words

Air Passenger Duty - Research Paper Example It is expected that at the end of the paper, there shall be a definitive decision taken by the Welsh Minister on the way forward, as far as air passenger duty is concerned. 2 Background The air passenger duty could be said to be the brainchild of the Holtham Commission, which in 2010 came out with a recommendation to the Welsh Government on the need to make significant adjustments to its existing tax policies, especially those on minor taxes2. As part of the minor taxes to be considered was the air passenger duty. But since its imposition, the air passenger duty has come under intense public, academic and professional debate as to whether or not everything is being done right with the tax in terms of the allotment of duties and whether or not the air passenger duty should continue to exist at all. Currently, the air passenger duty is charged as a levy on a group of passengers tagged as chargeable passengers, using a group of aircraft tagged as chargeable aircraft from a United Kingdo m airport3. Even though the passenger may be the eventual payer of the levy, the duty is actually charged to the owner of the aircraft and thus the operator of the aircraft becomes payable to the Welsh Government. The Welsh Government does not therefore have any direct interactions with the passenger as far as the levies are concerned and it will be noted that even with the operator of the aircraft, the charge of the air passenger duty takes effect once the passenger aircraft first becomes airborne4. Currently, there are no fixed rates of duties or levies cutting across all chargeable aircrafts and for chargeable passengers. Rather, there are variations in the charges depending on the destination of the chargeable... It is worth mentioning however that the air passenger duty is currently non-devolved, meaning that not all countries within the United Kingdom are forcibly obliged to be implementers of the law. For example, it will be noted that in the Scotland and Wales, for example, the United Kingdom government is still undertaking a feasibility study to ascertain the likely effects that devolution would have on these countries; and thus the current study that is being undertaken. As part of the feasibility study and review that is taking place is the consideration on the constitutional and financial arrangements in Wales that would enhance or otherwise detract the successful implementation of the duty. It is therefore expected that by the close of the roles assigned to the commission in charge, known as the Silk Commission, there will be a clear statement on how financial accountability can be improved when the duty is brought into enforcement in Wales. Even more, the package of powers that give a constitutional right for the implementation of the duty shall adequately be considered to ensure that the provisions of the law do not conflict with any existing State legislation. It will be based on the findings that further action will be taken on the devolution of the air passenger duty. As pending is made of the final outcome of the commission’s work, it is important that discussions begin on how the air passenger duty will affect the larger Welsh economy and particularly the air transport industry.

Business Plan Analysis Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Business Plan Analysis - Assignment Example 2. What are sections-in-common in these plans? Describe the style used in the business plans, and discuss what you believe to be an appropriate style for a business plan (i.e., first-person narration, contractions, level of formality, citing references, etc.) In the two business plans, the following sections were common: Executive Summary General Company Description Products and Services Marketing Strategy Operating Plan Management & Organization Financial statements and financial plan Income Statement, Balance Sheet, Cash Flow, Break Even Point, Capitalization Required The writing styles that were used were formal, direct to the point and business like. It also adhered to the academic style of writing that avoided using contractions, euphemisms and figures of speech. Numbers were also utilized through a financial statement to illustrate a point. There is, however, noticeable difference between the referencing of a business plan and an academic essay. Compared to an academic essay wh ich requires data to be referenced by any of the writing styles (Harvard, APA, MLA, etc.), business plan is not that strict about it. Instead, it uses appendix such as the business plan of Fresin Fried Fast Food Restaurant (â€Å"Fast Food Restaurant Business Plan: Fresin Fries†) where the details of sales forecast, personnel expense and cash flow were enumerated to provide clarity in the financial statements of the business plan. It can also be skipped if it is not deemed necessary in a business plan such as in the case of American Management Technology (AMT) sample business plan (â€Å"Sample Business Plan for American Management Technology (AMT)†). I believe that this is the appropriate writing of a business plan. It is direct, simple, clear and formal. Business plans should be written in this manner because they are intended to serve as a blue print on how a business can make money and not to show literary genius. Writing directly and concisely is also an efficient way of utilizing the time of the one who prepared it and the people who would read and implement it. The saved time and energy in deciphering a complicated business plan can be used in other money making activities of a business. Furthermore, a clearly written business plan avoids confusing interpretation that would render the plan ineffective. In addition to general description, numbers shown in financial statements are equally important if not more important than the written texts. It is because these numbers determine whether a business can make money or not, when and what is the needed capital, and the break-even point where the business can start making money. These numbers can also serve as targets and benchmarks when a business is already operational to ensure that the business plan will profit according to plan and schedule. 3. What are the critical ideas/plans that must be communicated in a business plan? The critical ideas/plans that must be communicated in a business pla n are the following; First are the vision and mission of a company. They serve as a signpost or a compass of where a business is going and what it intends to do. It is the idea or any intangibles that animate or motivate a business to be profitable. Second are the objectives. Having a plan without a goal is pointless. The very essence of a business plan is to achieve certain goals which should be enunciated in the objectives section. A brief

My Room Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

My Room - Essay Example My closet is well arranged and the used clothes are in one basket case and not littered all over the place. Â  My bathroom is clean and my personal and grooming materials are also nicely kept in a drawer. Â  Visitors also have hard time guessing whether it is a room of a boy or a girl. Â  It can be a room of a girl because it is clean and tidy but it could be also a room of a boy because it has sports equipments in my room. Â  I have football helmet, basketball, baseball and other sports gear displayed in a cabinet. Â  My study table is also obviously a student’s table because it is made of sturdy wood with just books and other study materials on it but is not gender oriented. Â  I also have a huge TV and speakers in my room that plays my favorite movies and music which could be either for a boy or a girl. Â  It is also difficult to tell whether my room is for adults or for children. Â  In addition to sports gears, my room also has toys, mannequins of cartoon character s and game boards. Â  But the books that I have will also tell that it is for adult because it has history books, hobby books and school books. My room is unusual because I fill my room with the things that I love and not because how people think a room should be. Â  It is my favorite place in the house. Â  It is the place where I study, rest or to enjoy my favorite movies or music. Â  It is also the place where I reflect about things because it feels very comfortable in there.

The Importance of Proper Body Mechanics for Nurses Research Paper

The Importance of Proper Body Mechanics for Nurses - Research Paper Example 1).† In fulfilling their role and performing the services expected of them, which often involve patient handling maneuvers such as repositioning, lifting and transferring patients, nurses often sustain a spectrum of occupational injuries (The American Nurses Association (ANA), 2011). These occupational injuries amongst health care professionals are fairly common and are a cause of great concern not only for the individuals suffering from these injuries but also for the health care system as a whole, since these problems have significant economic implications in the form of work loss, compensations and recruitment and retention issues (Menzel, Hughes, Waters, Shores, & Nelson, 2007). This paper throws light on the different occupational injuries that are common amongst health care professionals due to manual patient handling and discusses their implications for the nurses and the health care system. Moreover, the main focus of this paper is on the importance of the use of proper body mechanics as a measure for the prevention of the aforementioned occupational injuries in order to reduce the incidence of these injuries and of the potential adverse outcomes that can occur as a result of these injuries. The scope of the problem: Manual patient handling is an essential component of the services that nurses perform and there is virtually no patient care specialty which does not require these services. This means that nurses are always at a risk of sustaining musculoskeletal work-related injuries, be they employed in any patient care specialty (Menzel, Hughes, Waters, Shores, & Nelson, 2007). Moreover, with the increasing prevalence of obesity in the society, the risk to health care professionals is even more due to the greater amount of weight being handled, because a greater proportion of the patients presenting to them are now overweight or obese (Menzel, Hughes, Waters, Shores, & Nelson, 2007). These work-related injuries have several implications both for t he nurses and other health care professionals but also for the health care system as a whole since they are not only a cause of significant morbidity for individuals suffering from them, but also pose an economic burden since they incur losses in the form of time off from work, burnout and recruitment and retention (Menzel, Hughes, Waters, Shores, & Nelson, 2007). It has been seen that each year, about 40-50% of nurses report having work-related back pain, making them rank the highest amongst all health care professional suffering from work-related injuries (Edlich, Winters, Hudson, Britt, & Long, 2004). Nurses have been found to have a 35-80% lifetime prevalence of back pain occurring as a result of the nature of their job which often requires manual patient handling (Edlich, Winters, Hudson, Britt, & Long, 2004) and approximately 12% of the nurses have been found to quit their jobs and give up their profession due to back injuries (Gropelli & Corle, 2010). Moreover, according to a report issued by the Bureau of Labor Statistics RN’s rank the 6th amongst professionals at risk of occupational injuries (The American Nurses Association (ANA), 2011). On the other hand, from an economic perspective the magnitude of the burden that this problem of occupational injuries posed on the health care system can be gauged from the fact that nursing personnel have been found t

My Room Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

My Room - Essay Example My closet is well arranged and the used clothes are in one basket case and not littered all over the place. Â  My bathroom is clean and my personal and grooming materials are also nicely kept in a drawer. Â  Visitors also have hard time guessing whether it is a room of a boy or a girl. Â  It can be a room of a girl because it is clean and tidy but it could be also a room of a boy because it has sports equipments in my room. Â  I have football helmet, basketball, baseball and other sports gear displayed in a cabinet. Â  My study table is also obviously a student’s table because it is made of sturdy wood with just books and other study materials on it but is not gender oriented. Â  I also have a huge TV and speakers in my room that plays my favorite movies and music which could be either for a boy or a girl. Â  It is also difficult to tell whether my room is for adults or for children. Â  In addition to sports gears, my room also has toys, mannequins of cartoon character s and game boards. Â  But the books that I have will also tell that it is for adult because it has history books, hobby books and school books. My room is unusual because I fill my room with the things that I love and not because how people think a room should be. Â  It is my favorite place in the house. Â  It is the place where I study, rest or to enjoy my favorite movies or music. Â  It is also the place where I reflect about things because it feels very comfortable in there.

Black Feminism in Britain Essay Example for Free

Black Feminism in Britain Essay Black feminism in Britain is a very strong issue. This topic could be addressed in so many ways, so I decided to address the issue through others writings. Black women have been pressing the issue of equality for a very long time now, and being black women presents a two -fold issue on equality. Being Black automatically make you a minority and being a woman takes away from your standpoint even more. This is why Hazel Carby feels that being just a feminist is nit enough; there are more issues than those that are addressed by whit feminist for the black woman. Hazel Cardy’s article White Woman Listen! Black Feminism and the Boundaries of Sisterhood, examines the way in which feminist revisionist history has reconstructed itself by appropriating the power of privilege of the historiography in order to marginalize black women in their absences and misrepresent them in their presence. In my view, it is precisely the incorporation of feminism in the worlds system and power. The concern is not one with the feminist theory and more with the misuse and abuse of black women in Britain. Black women in Britain have had a lot of battles to fight to get to where they are today, and even today they are still not equal with men in society. The black women of Britain had to not only endure migration, but hey had to also endure loosing high education positions for lower paying jobs and many had to leave their families and come to Britain alone. They did come to Britain for the fast cars and big cities; these women came over to make a living so that their families could survive. They thought that they were coming to the land of opportunity, but when they arrived in Britain they were in for a rude awakening. There the push and pull factor that is present in this situation. In the Caribbean there were little to no jobs available and that is the push factor, the pull factor is tha t in Britain there were many jobs opening up for the people. The thing that many did not know, who made this journey, was that these jobs were the jobs that the British thought that they did not want to do. This entire process alone put the Black peoples on a lower level. Being that these people were also women they were even lower than so men were. In recent reassessments of Caribbean women’s political roles both during and after slavery suggest that their leadership was crucial to popular collective action throughout Britain. Many of these women were characterized as feisty females who were used as a joke to the public. This satire reduced women’s acts of resistance to individual willfulness. The historical record to the contrary indicates that the black woman of Britain emerged in the contest of the supportive networks of families, communities, and collective work groups. This resistance soon became known as black feminism. The history of women leader in Jamaica begins under slavery, and here we are introduced to the particular spokeswoman the petticoat rebellion, which was a name from a Jamaican slave owner to show just what he thought about the Black women rising up together. Assertions of special female prerogatives and criticisms of the abuse of women had extra resonance in the British Victorian setting, with its sharp delineation of boundary between the masculine and the feminine. A crucial aspect of laying foundation for subsequent oppositional cultures in Jamaica was black women’s promotion of a popular ‘voice’ both within the missionary churches and, more radically, by forming their won Afro-Christian religious association. Thus there became a third realm of opposition other than violence and hidden resistance. There became a movement. An early public challenge to black women’s subordination is the dissenting churches occurred in the Baptist congregation. Many women of color, including those who were illiterate, participated in activities of a public and political nature through their churches, including but not limited to elections and petitions. Even the relatively conservative Presbyterian Church required ever communica nt to vote for the elders, bringing non-white men into leadership. Popular democratic procedures, and participation meetings. By literate women were perceived as a threat to the English Missionaries control over the society. Young concluded his attack on democratic procedure by noting that the Kingston petitions were a kind of test case, part of a larger agitation for popular independent control of the churches, and the society must clarify its stance on the privilege of petitioning conference ‘. By making a formal distinction between home and foreign stations, the society sought to contain not only dangerous democratic currents, but also the women who exercised the role of leadership within their churches; a major difference between home and Jamaica, after all was the degree to which women as a matter of course ‘ discussed and decided all questions brought forward. Many examples of violent language recorded in the British records were spoken by women, whether during slavery and apprenticeship, or later courthouse riots, or scuffles, whe n violence occurred, working class women were often at the forefront using insults and provocations, and weapons as well. Many of those women were black. In an earlier reference I gave the example of a slave caricature that was use to mock slaves, the urban women carried on her hard-hitting tradition of political protest. Swithin begun to trace women’s participation not only back to the plantation labor but also urban riots. Even when riots rose in religious or cultural issues, the following example show that they were always political in so far as the demonstrated black physical power and numerical strength against representatives of the state. A new urban political culture was emerging on the streets of Kingston. The Family ties have been one important aspect of some women’s participation in the Morant Bay Rebellion. Many women were accused of throwing stones at the volunteers and burning down the courthouse. Black feminist were looked at very negatively in he eye of the British from white Jamaican joke to Quasheba jokes, that ridiculed strong black women, their speech, families, and working class culture. It rest on the ideology of white women as ‘angels in he house’, whose domestic life is heaven rather than the hell that the black woman had to endure, this parody arises a question, if they have black women on record cursing, where do we find the recorded ‘voices’ of these working-class black women in the historical record? Contrary to this fake ‘voice’ the actual records of protest that have been considered in this paper suggest that black family solidarity, and community self protection with the understanding of violence against black women came most often form the wider white society. The few preserved accounts of Afro-Jamaican women’s leadership and political protest exist precisely because of the contradictory position they occupied in the colonial symbolic mapping of social order and disorder. Their words speak for themselves, while their troubled embedding in government archives, and newspapers suggest their powerful impact.

Militarization And Weaponization Of Outer Space Politics Essay

Militarization And Weaponization Of Outer Space Politics Essay The exploration and use of outer space à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ shall be for peaceful purposes and shall be carried out for the benefit and in the interest of all countries, irrespective of their degree of economic or scientific development. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ [The] prevention of an arms race in outer space would avert a grave danger for international peace and security Prevention of an arms race in outer space, United Nations General Assembly Resolution, A/RES/55/32, January 2001. (PDF Document) Its politically sensitive, but its going to happen. Some people dont want to hear this, and it sure isnt in vogue, but-absolutely-were going to fight in space. Were going to fight from space and were going to fight into space. Thats why the US has development programs in directed energy and hit-to-kill mechanisms. We will engage terrestrial targets someday-ships, airplanes, land targets-from space. Commander-in-Chief of US Space Command, Joseph W. Ashy, Aviation Week and Space Technology, August 9, 1996, quoted from Master of Space by Karl Grossman, Progressive Magazine, January 2000 World Agrees: Space for peaceful purposes Internationally, for many years, it has been agreed that space should be used for peaceful purposes, and for the benefit of all humankind. Examples of uses and benefits include weather monitoring, help in search and rescue, help in potential natural disaster detection, coordinating efforts on detecting and dealing with issues of space debris and minimizing harmful impacts on Earth, research in sciences, health, etc. The United Nations (U.N.) Outer Space Treaty provides the basic framework on international space law, saying that space should be reserved for peaceful uses. It came into effect in October 1967. As summarized by the U.N. Office for Outer Space Affairs web site, the treaty includes the following principles: the exploration and use of outer space shall be carried out for the benefit and in the interests of all countries and shall be the province of all mankind; outer space shall be free for exploration and use by all States; outer space is not subject to national appropriation by claim of sovereignty, by means of use or occupation, or by any other means; States shall not place nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction in orbit or on celestial bodies or station them in outer space in any other manner; the Moon and other celestial bodies shall be used exclusively for peaceful purposes; astronauts shall be regarded as the envoys of mankind; States shall be responsible for national space activities whether carried out by governmental or non-governmental activities; States shall be liable for damage caused by their space objects; and States shall avoid harmful contamination of space and celestial bodies. Towards the end of 2000, the United Nations General Assembly had a vote on a resolution called the Prevention of Outer Space Arms Race. It was adopted by a recorded vote of 163 in favor to none against, with 3 abstentions. The three that abstained were the Federated States of Micronesia, Israel and the United States of America. (You can see the details from a U.N. press release, together with a list of countries that voted, were absent and so on.) In June 2004, The United Nations reiterated concerns about the militarization of space and not being used for peaceful purposes in a U.N. General Assembly session: The view was expressed that the [U.N.] Committee [on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space] had not been fulfilling the mandate given to it by the General Assembly in recommending ways and means of maintaining outer space for peaceful purposes. That delegation expressed the view that the Committee should address itself to that issue, since military activities in outer space were seriously affecting international cooperation in the exploration and peaceful uses of outer space. Some delegations expressed the view that a greater risk of the introduction of weapons into outer space and the adoption of a concept of a use of force in outer space would undermine the basis for and the very logic of developing nonproliferation mechanisms and of the whole system of international security. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ The view was expressed that an international agreement should be concluded to prohibit the deployment of weapons in outer space. Report of the Committee of the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, United Nations General Assembly, Fifty-eighth Session, Supplement No. 20 (A/58/20), 11 to 20 June 2003, pp. 7-8 Similar positions have been reiterated since, too. For example, October 2006 saw a near-unanimous vote at the General Assembly when 166 nations voted for a resolution to prevent an arms race in outer space. Only one country abstrained, Israel, while only one voted against such a resolution, the United States of America. Whether the Committee can be effective, as the General Assembly desire, depends largely on some of the most powerful nations in the world. US Seeks Militarization of Space While various militaries around the world have used Space for years, it has largely been for surveillance satellites etc. However, the Bush Administration in the United States has long made it clear that the US wishes to expand its military capabilities and have weapons in space and therefore also be dominant in this fourth military arena (the other three being sea, land and air). This new ultimate high ground would provide further superior military capabilities. While it would provide additional important defense mechanisms, many worry about the other benefit it would bring-capabilities for offensive purposes to push Americas national interests even if they are not in the interests of the international community. Furthermore, together with its pursuit of missile defense, (which goes against the Anti Ballistic Missile treaty, an important part of global arms control mechanisms), the USA risks starting a wasteful expenditure of an arms race in space. Since the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States, and the resulting War on Terror military-based policies and spending has increased. So too have the policies looking into space-based weapons. The Washington D.C.-based Center for Defence Information (CDI) provides a detailed report suggesting that this should not be a rushed decision: Unlike in Star Trek, the final frontier has yet to become a battlefield. But if the current trends continue, that will change-not in the distance future of science fiction, but within the next several decades. Emerging Bush administration plans and policies are clearly aimed at making the United States the first nation to deploy space-based weapons. There are several drivers behind this goal, including the very real concern about the vulnerability of space assets that are increasingly important to how the US military operates, and the administrations decision to pursue missile defense. Unfortunately, the administration has done little thinking-at least publicly-about the potential for far-reaching military, political and economic ramifications of a US move to break the taboo against weaponizing space. There is reason for concern that doing so could actually undermine, rather than enhance, the national security of the United States, as well as global stability. Thus it behooves the administration, as well as Congress, to undertake an in-depth and public policy review of the pros and cons of weaponizing space. Such a review would look seriously at the threat, both short-term and long-term, as well as measures to prevent, deter or counter any future threat using all the tools in the US policy toolbox: diplomatic, including arms control treaties; economic; and military, including defensive measures short of offensive weapons. There is nothing to be gained, and potentially much to be lost, by rushing such a momentous change in US space policy. Theresa Hitchens, Weapons in Space: Silver Bullet or Russian Roulette?, The Policy Implications of US Pursuit of Space-Based Weapons, Center for Defence Information, April 18, 2002 But because space-based weapons have been on the agenda long before September 11, and the War on Terror, the fight against terrorism is not the sole justification, though it may now add to the reasons. However, long before September 11, the concerns of the US motives for pursuing such policies have been questioned. The fear is that by seeking to create a dominant position in space, the US will become more powerful and others may be compelled to join an arms race in space. The above-mentioned CDI report also points out that The Bush administrations views were directly reflected in the 2001 Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR), released Oct. 1, 2001. A key objective à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ is not only to ensure US ability to exploit space for military purposes, but also as required to deny an adversarys ability to do so, states the QDR. In this context then, space is no longer seen as the resource available for all of humanity, but another ground from which to fight geopolitical and economic battles. The New York Times reported (May 18, 2005) that there is a further push by the US Air Force for weapons in space. Any deployment of space weapons would face financial, technological, political and diplomatic hurdles, although no treaty or law bans Washington from putting weapons in space, barring weapons of mass destruction, claims the Times. Yet, this news article appears to ignore the Outer Space Treaty mentioned above, or the Prevention of Outer Space Arms Race resolution, adopted by a recorded vote of 163 in favor to none against, with 3 abstentions (the US being one of those three). If technically there are no bans on weapons, then certainly such weaponization would go against the spirit of those treaties. What the Times does mention, though, is that There has been little public debate while the Pentagon has already spent billions of dollars developing space weapons à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ preparing plans to deploy them; Air Force doctrine defines space superiority as freedom to attack as well as freedom from attack in space; In April 2005, Gen. James E. Cartwright, who leads the United States Strategic Command, told the Senate Armed Services nuclear forces subcommittee that the goal of developing space weaponry was to allow the nation to deliver an attack very quickly, with very short time lines on the planning and delivery, any place on the face of the earth.' Space superiority is not our birthright, but it is our destinyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦. Space superiority is our day-to-day mission. Space supremacy is our vision for the future. General Lance Lord, head of US Air Force Space Command, quoted from Air Force Seeks Bushs Approval for Space Weapons Programs, New York Times, May 18, 2005 On August 31, 2006, President Bush authorized a new national space policy, superseding the National Space Policy of September 14, 1996. The policy was based on 8 principles. One was about supporting the peaceful use of space by all nations. However, Consistent with this principle, claimed the policy, peaceful purposes would allow U.S. defense and intelligence-related activities in pursuit of national interests. Two other key principles noted the use of force, if needed to defend US interests: The United States considers space capabilities-including the ground and space segments and supporting links-vital to its national interests. Consistent with this policy, the United States will: preserve its rights, capabilities, and freedom of action in space; dissuade or deter others from either impeding those rights or developing capabilities intended to do so; take those actions necessary to protect its space capabilities; respond to interference; and deny, if necessary, adversaries the use of space capabilities hostile to U.S. national interests; The United States will oppose the development of new legal regimes or other restrictions that seek to prohibit or limit U.S. access to or use of space. Proposed arms control agreements or restrictions must not impair the rights of the United States to conduct research, development, testing, and operations or other activities in space for U.S. national interests; Unclassified National Space Policy PDF formatted document, Office of Science and Technology Policy, Executive Office of the US President, October 6, 2006 Despite its commitment to peaceful use of space as stated in its policy, just a few weeks later, the US was the lone vote against such a resolution at the UN General Assembly (and has voted against such a measure in the past), as mentioned further above. The policy therefore appears to meet the US Air Forces desire for weapons in space. The fear is that others will take a similar view (using the rhetoric of protecting its own interest in space) and encourage an arms race. For many, it may be shocking or disappointing that this might happen, but human history is littered with examples of powerful nations looking to consolidate their position to maintain their dominance which is a major reason for their wealth and success. China and Space As noted further below, China is likely to be considered a possible adversary of the US in the future, and may be one of the countries that could threaten US dominance in space, even though for now it has constantly opposed the use of space for military purposes. Countries that may either have their own power ambitions, feel threatened by the US, and/or are genuinely for peace, may all therefore have different reasons to want space used for peaceful purposes. When China recently blew up one of its aging satellites with a medium-range ballistic missile, it caused mild panic and concern amongst US, UK and other circles. The immediate fear was that China was slowly flexing its muscles and that an arms race was now underway. It was one of the first such acts since the 1980s when the Soviet Union and the US did such things. China is feared to be developing better weapons to do such things, and there was also concern that China didnt inform anyone that it was doing this. This lack of openness is certainly a worry and smacks of hypocrisy for wanting a global treaty to ban weapons in space on the one hand and then using a weapon to blow up a satellite in space later. It may indeed be that China is sincere in pursuing a global ban, but its lack of transparency has certainly diminished confidence in that idea. However, as the BBC noted, Chinas actions may have been in response to Bushs earlier declaration that they will seek to dominate space militarily and prevent a global treaty to ban weapons in space. On the issue of space weapons, the US certainly risks the charge of hypocrisy, the BBC noted. From the US perspective, the announcement of [US policy against a global treaty banning weapons in space] was clearly a response to a perceived threat from China as well as an attempt to preserve the current US advantage in space. Yet, It may be that last weeks test is an attempt by China to push back at the US and put pressure on Washington to consider negotiating a treaty to ban weapons in space. In addition, despite much of the mainstream media implying China had started an arms race, it could be thought that the US had already started it, and that unfortunately China decide to join in. Furthermore, any talk of an immediate threat from China, or one that is not too far off, would seem irrational, as clearly the US arsenal far outweighs any Chinese capability for the short-term future. Thus, any intention China has would result in self-annihilation. The concern the US has then is the longer term. US build-up in the region, fermenting alliances (e.g. India), purportedly due to the War on Terror also serves to check China in a new Cold War as Maryann Keady notes. As China and others increase in economic strength, investment in military and other such areas is going to increase. It is already recognized that China will be spending a lot more on military in coming years, but more to modernize rather than build up. However, in that process, it will likely gain a lot more capability, so people are watching with caution. India too has been investing in more space-based technologies and nuclear programs, which the US has been keen to get involved in. India, for its part has been only too happy for such assistance, even at the risk of neighboring tensions. Militarization of Space for Economic Superiority With regard to space dominance, we have it, we like it, and were going to keep it. Space is in the nations economic interest. Keith Hall, Assistant Secretary of the Air Force for Space, Speech to the National Space Club in 1997. (Emphasis Added) Most wars (hot wars, trade wars, cold wars etc) throughout history have had trade and resources at their core. (See the Military Expansion part of this web site for more on that perspective.) The military superiority of past and present nations has been to defend or expand such national interests. The militarization of space by the USA, even when there has been an international agreement to use space for peaceful purposes, as mentioned above, begs the question why? On 16 January 1984, Reagan announced that Nineteen eighty-four is the year of opportunities for peace. War is Peace, as Orwell wrote in his satirical book [called 1984]. Peace through strength, peace through domination. It is clear to most of the world that the Son of Star Wars, the Nuclear Missile Defense option, is also not about defense, but it is another way for the US to exert its global hegemony. The NMD, as this history of the SDI shows us, is a political weapon to further US ends rather than enhance global security. Vijay Prashad, Shooting Stars, June 15, 2001 While the answer from US authorities is usually along the lines of defensive purposes (as with the related issues of missile defense and star wars, as also discussed on this web site, in this section), many see the domination of space as the ability to maintain, expand and enforce those policies that will serve that national interest. The US military explicitly says it wants to control space to protect its economic interests and establish superiority over the world. Several documents reveal the plans. Take Vision for 2020, a 1996 report of the US Space Command, which coordinates the use of Army, Navy, and Air Force space forces and was set up in 1985 to help institutionalize the use of space. The multicolored cover of Vision for 2020 shows a weapon shooting a laser beam from space and zapping a target below. The report opens with the following: US Space Command-dominating the space dimension of military operations to protect US interests and investment. Integrating Space Forces into warfighting capabilities across the full spectrum of conflict. A century ago, Nations built navies to protect and enhance their commercial interests by ruling the seas, the report notes. Now it is time to rule space. Karl Grossman, Master of Space, Progressive Magazine, January 2000 An Arms Race? How will the rest of the world take to being dominated from above? One doesnt have to be particularly unfriendly to the US to feel uncomfortable. More naturally hostile or suspicious countries could well feel they have been given no choice but to develop their own antisatellite weapons in an attempt to blind US satellites, even though, since the US will far outspend them, the effort would become an ever receding goal. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ It will not only make enemies where none exist, it will drive its Nato allies, already nervous and alarmed about the consequences of the ballistic missile shield plan, into a state of antipathy towards America. Jonathan Power, Space-After Titos fun it might be Rumsfelds nightmare, Transnational Foundation for Peace and Future Research, May 9, 2001 Additionally, the development of weapons in space risks leading to an arms race, as mentioned in the Star Wars section on this site, in discussing the development of missile defenses. Currently, as CDI points out, the threat to US space-based interests is not as much as it is made out to be: Vulnerabilities do not necessarily result in threats. In order to threaten US space assets, military or commercial, a potential adversary must have both technological capabilities and intent to use them in a hostile manner. There is little hard evidence that any other country or hostile non-state actor possesses either the technology or the intention to seriously threaten US military or commercial operations in space-nor is there much evidence of serious pursuit of space-based weapons by potentially hostile actors. Currently, the simplest ways to attack satellites and satellite-based systems involve ground-based operations against ground facilities, and disruption of computerized downlinks. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ It is obvious that the United States must ensure the integrity of its increasingly important space networks, and find ways to defense against threats to space assets. Still, there is little reason to believe that it is necessary for the US to put weapons in space to do so. Space warfare proponents are making a suspect leap in logic in arguing that space-based weapons are, or will soon be, required to protect the ability of the United States to operate freely in space. One could argue much more rationally that what is needed most urgently is to find ways to prevent computer network intrusion; to ensure redundant capabilities both at the system and subsystem level, including the ability to rapidly replace satellites on orbit; to improve security of ground facilities (perhaps moving to undergrou nd facilities); and to harden electronic components on particularly important satellites. Furthermore, the evidence of actual space weapons programs by potential adversaries is thin. Theresa Hitchens, Weapons in Space: Silver Bullet or Russian Roulette? The Policy Implications of US Pursuit of Space-Based Weapons, Center for Defence Information, April 18, 2002 However, fearful of the additional advantage, dominance and power the US will have, it is possible other nations may choose to develop their own systems to try and keep up or minimize the perceived threat. This will in turn make the US want to increase its expenditure even more, and so on, leading to an arms race, which risks leading to a self-fulfilling prophecy to justify continued expenditures. Once testing [of space weapons] begins, the need for destructive capabilities in orbit induces a mindset opposed to rational restraint. The mindset becomes unassailable if testing is completed, for then the system must be deployed since, if we have developed the capability, others will want to follow suit and rapidly will do so. Chief of Research, Colonel Daniel Smith, USA (Ret.), Space Wars, Center for Defense Information, February 2001. While the US may possibly be able to afford this, for other nations to get involved into such expenditures will be costly indeed, especially most have other pressing priorities. (It is also somewhat questionable that even the US can afford this in the long term, but the influential US military industrial complex supports this and so tax payers money will help large military contractors, as also discussed in more detail on the Star Wars page on this site.) (The star wars part of this section on this web site, also linked to from above, discusses more about the possibilities of an arms race and an impact on international relations.) China and Russia would seem two of the most likely adversaries that might engage in such a space-based arms race. However, as the Monterey Institute for International Studies in California notes, China has consistently opposed the weaponization of outer space in its official statements, and, along with Russia, has led the initiative to create an international treaty banning all weapons in space through negotiations within an ad hoc committee of the Conference on Disarmament. It could be argued that these nations are only pursuing such a course because they fear the more powerful United States getting even more powerful. This view may take hold in nations such as the US that do not look at the Chinese regime favourably (though much criticism is definitely warranted.) On the other hand, if China is going down this path for self-interest or self-preservation concerns, then by pressing for a treaty to ban weapons in space, they are doing it in a way that will prevent them from using space for their own military advantage. With backing from the United States the desires of the world community to keep space for peaceful purposes could be realized. The various technical monitoring facilities that would need to be in place to ensure compliance would likely mean any nation with desires to deceptively pursure a space militarization program could be thwarted. The US labels other nations that do not want to be part of the international system as rogue, yet one cant help wonder how the US should be labeled on this issue, then. Irans satellite: a look at the implications by Taylor Dinerman Monday, October 18, 2004 Recently, the Iranian military announced that it has successfully tested a 2000-km range missile, the Shahab 5, and the Tehran government has also said that, in April of 2005, they plan to launch the Islamic Republics first satellite. This, combined with the mounting evidence that their nuclear program is accelerating, indicates that we are headed for a major crisis next year. During the debates, both Bush and Kerry talked as if they will be able to stop Irans drive for nuclear weapons and the long-range ballistic missiles to deliver them, if not with diplomacy and sanctions, then with force. If they mean what they say, there is going to be trouble ahead. From inside Iran, a 2000-km missile will be able to hit, to the west, Greece, Turkey, parts of the Balkans, and the parts of Ukraine. To the east, it will cover all of Pakistan and major parts of India. To the south, it will not only be able to target Saudi Arabia, but Yemen, Eritrea and Djibouti, as well. To the north, not only will the nations of the Caucasus and Central Asia be within range, but major parts of Russia, as well. The capability of this weapon is far beyond what is needed for a strike against Israel. This missile and its longer range successors that are already in development are part of a major asymmetric arms buildup. The purpose of this effort is, in the first place, to safeguard the Mullahs position at home, where they are under challenge from a generation of young people who reject the Islamic revolution and the dictatorship it has created. Second, it is intended to provide an umbrella for the extension of their power into Iraq, Afghanistan and the Gulf, through the use of surrogates, such as Al Sadr and Gulbaddin Hekmatyr. If Iran can build and test a nuclear weapon, and prove that it has the capability to build and launch a satellite, even a small one, it will join a new category of states that could be referred to as mini-superpowers. Irans drive for nuclear weapons is obviously not going to be stopped because the Europeans or the Russian ask them to. The Mullahs believe that they need nuclear weapons not only to deploy against the US and Israel but also to safeguard their own regime. This does not mean that they are going to blow up one of their own cities if the locals get out of line, but it does mean that they want the prestige and the burst of nationalist pride that the Indians and Pakistanis got when their governments tested nuclear weapons in the 1990s.They may also hope that the West will fear that, if the regime is overthrown, the ensuing chaos might lead to a loose nukes situation. Under the Shah, Iran not only bought billions of dollars worth of western weapons, but also arranged for thousands of Iranian students to study science and engineering in the US and elsewhere. Many of these students stayed in the West, but thousands of others went back to Iran. Some of them, or people trained by them, are no doubt working on the Mullahs nuclear weapons and on the means to deliver them. If Iran can build and test a nuclear weapon, and prove that it has the capability to build and launch a satellite, even a small one, it will join a new category of states that could be referred to as mini-superpowers. A nation that can launch a satellite can theoretically build an ICBM. Israel and India are members of this club. Pakistan has not yet launched a satellite but has indicated that it plans to do so. Nations as diverse as Brazil, North Korea, South Korea, South Africa, and Japan all have tried, at one time, for membership. Having a satellite in orbit and a bomb in the basement gives a government options, and a certain amount of room to maneuver than states without that capability would have. During its war with Iraq, despite a larger population and greater strategic depth, Iran was nonetheless fought to a standstill, due to Saddams access to better weapons, from the USSR, France, China, Brazil and elsewhere (The US supplied less than 1% of Saddams weapons, mostly training helicopters and Chevy Blazers) and to his massive use of poison gas. The Islamic Republic learned to modify and to adapt the American and British weapons it had inherited from the Shah. The ability to keep even a small part of these systems in operation is not to be dismissed. To imagine, as some analysts do, that Iran is technologically dependent on Russia, North Korea, China, or Pakistan for its nuclear missile and satellite program is surely a mistake. The Shah was an exceptionally ambitious ruler and he laid the groundwork for Iran to develop a sophisticated and capable armaments industry. The requirements of the 1980-1987 war forced them to build on this foundation. Unless great care is taken, the Mullahs military may reserve some nasty surprises for anyone who goes against them. Fortunately, all reports indicate that the regime in place is at least as unpopular as that of the Shah during his last days. Indications of unrest are all over the Internet and even reach into the mainstream press. Sadly, this may not be enough to overthrow the Mullahs any time soon. So the US has got to begin developing some alternative plans for dealing with Iran. The US Army and Marine Corps may be fully engaged in Iraq, but the Air Force and Navy have plenty of spare capacity that could be used if diplomacy fails. Effectively targeting these forces against Irans bomb program and its supporting infrastructure is an exceptionally tough problem for the Pentagons and Centcoms Joint Planning Staff. If the US does nothing, then it is quite possible that, within a decade, Iran will have nuclear-tipped missiles that can hit not only Israel and Europe, but America itself. To counter that threat, the US will need a far more effective missile defense system than the one it has today. Only space-based boost phase interceptors, combined with a real multi-layered defense system, could hope to negate the threat. The final option is to develop and deploy space-based weapons capable of destroying Irans missiles and satellite launchers. This means accepting the weaponization of space, something that the Bush Administration seems to be trying to avoid dealing with. So the US and the West are faced with three exceptionally unpalatable choices. First, they could continue down the diplomatic path. This is currently being pursued, but since the Mullahs are obviously playing